Kirby: The Fallacy of "Natural" Endowments and Socialization Equity Measurement
Rawls’ justice as fairness theory is supported by two principles: the equal basic liberties principle and the difference principle. The difference principle can be divided into two demands pertaining to social and economic inequalities. One: “while the distribution of wealth and income need not be equal, it must be to everyone’s advantage,” and two: “positions of authority and offices of command must be accessible to all.” (61) There is a priority of one element over the other. Rawls argues that “a departure from the institutions of equal liberty required by the first principle cannot be justified by, or compensated for, by the greater social and economic advantages.” (61) Aggregate prioritization is as follows: the first principle (equal access to basic liberties) > the second principle in sum (opportunity equality, social and economic equality). Within the second principle, equality of opportunity eclipses the priority of social and economic equality. So, if there were inequalities in, say, education amidst Rawls’ just liberal society, the opportunity to pursue education to its most desired extent must subsist.
On education, Rawls writes that in his theoretical society, we should assume that “there is a fair equality of opportunity underwritten by education for all.” (87) This assumption is predicated on the necessity to “set up and to administer impartially a just system of institutions.” (86) Rawls relates this vague notion of procedural justice successfully transferring into institutions of distributive justice through an example of poker. When all players at the table have participated in a fair game, then the final earning distribution is fair, “or at least not unfair.” (86) Because player X obeyed the rules as much as play Z did (the dealer abiding as well), then none can claim they were victim to an impartial system. X and Z each had access to an opportunity to win. But what would Rawls say here if player Z had a socialization advantage? Say player Z grew up in a family of poker fanatics–she was conditioned to the game from a young age; thus, she retained a sense of comfort, experience, and knowledge that X was never privy to. Likewise (though a more crucial question than poker mobility, unless you're David Negreanu) how would Rawls respond to a college application socialization advantage?
A student, J, was raised in a home of intensive professors, who exposed her to advanced academic inquiry, developed her composition virtuosity, and trained her in testing strategy. Another student, P, was not brought up in such a setting, yet both J and P obtain the same college counselor, access to a need-blind admission program, and other criteria that equalizes their applicant opportunity. As such, opportunity equality is present. However, as with the poker scenario, one actor has a socialization advantage. Rawls writes that, “chances to acquire cultural knowledge and skills should not depend on one’s class position,” because “in all sectors of [Rawls’ version of] society there should be roughly equal prospects of culture and achievement for everyone similarly motivated and endowed.” (73) In this just liberal society, students P/J, and players X/Z, do not experience socialization differences in poker or academia as result of class differences.
But for the line between natural talent and class-based talent, Rawls has seemingly no remedy for. Even if the poker table and the classroom are settings in which, under the justice as fairness theory, “should be designed to even out class barriers,” the layers of legacy-based wealth do not disappear. (73) Some talents can be furthered through income, such as singing lessons. But Rawls knows this: he writes that, “the principle of fair opportunity can be only imperfectly carried out, at least as long as the institution of the family exists.” (74) It seems as though Rawls can’t identify a remedy: natural abilities can be enhanced/trained/stretched for benefit, as long as wealth and income differences exist. No simple culture equality can cure this. The “natural” endowment of talent will be manipulated to situate the talented, advantaged folks into another bracket than the disadvantaged and talented. Rawls even admits “it is impossible in practice to secure equal chances of achievement and culture for those similarly endowed.” (74) I would argue that similar endowment will always be based on class. Even if all have opportunity equality, those “similarly motivated and endowed” find such similarity not because they were all gifted at birth, or because they all have equal exposure to cultural content, but because their “natural” endowments are result of ancestral socialization access. This notion of the “natural lottery” troubles me – Rawls seems to ignore that socialization inequities have a direct impact on opportunities, and socialization draws from class impact.
I may be misunderstanding your blog post, but it seems Rawls most certainly does address the "socialization inequities" you mention and directly acknowledge how "socialization draws from class impact." He writes that "the extent to which natural capacities develop and reach fruition is affected by all kinds of social conditions and class attitudes" (Rawls 62). Here, we see a direct acknowledgement of the role played by class in the development of natural abilities. Rawls identifies this as a problem because the "natural lotttery... is arbitrary from a moral perspective" (62). While liberal equality (which entails equality of opportunity on its own) does not address the issue of the natural lottery, Rawls believes that his idea of democratic equality (which incorporates the difference principle) does. Under the difference principle, inequalities are justified only insofar as they benefit the least advantaged. Thus, I am a somewhat confused by your claims that "Rawls seems to ignore that socialization inequities have a direct impact on opportunities" and "Rawls can’t identify a remedy."
ReplyDeleteWe are not in disagreement on the definition of Rawls theory of justice as fairness. Nor are we in disagreement about the fact that Rawls recognizes socialization as an equity issue – this is the second pillar of principle 2. Re my post: "But Rawls knows this: he writes that, 'the principle of fair opportunity can be only imperfectly carried out, at least as long as the institution of the family exists.' (74)" Rawls does directly admit that there is not an adequate remedy for the socialization inequities resulting from familial conditioning under the liberal conception....Perhaps my original post conflated the liberal conception with Rawls ideal theory. For this I apologize, and I'll re-clarify my original argument. I don't find it reasonable that, as Rawls directly writes, opportunity equity can be prioritized over social/economic inequities because they are directly tied to one another. And because Rawls does not deny the existence of wealth and income variety in his theoretical society, these inequities persist. If opportunity access is prioritized over social/economic equity, which Rawls does posit, then he seems them as distinctive of eachother. The difference principle is all well and good in ensuring that the most advantaged individual's expectations "are just if and only if they work as part of a scheme which improves the expectations of the least advantaged members of society." But the difference principle does not directly look at Rawls concept of so-called "natural endowments" - which are always refined and improved for those who are the advantaged (again, this society still has wealth/income/etc. variation). Just because culture may be impartial or widely accessible does NOT address the internal/privatized enhancement of advantaged individual's "endowments." As Amartya Sen says far better than I can: "The contingent nature of merit also indicates that its relationship with economic inequality would depend very much on whether an aversion to economic inequality is included in the objective function of the society." Economic inequalities will exist, but under the difference principle, they will only subsist without disadvantaging further the disadvantaged. Again, income, wealth, class are all structures not inherently denied by Rawls in his society. Merit, the success of one's natural endowments, is not arbitrary in a society where wealth brackets exist. To say it in so many words: some animals are more equal than others - to claim that natural advantages are arbitrary in a world where the wealthy may not *directly* disadvantage you (but they aren't going to stop advantaging themselves) is illogical.
ReplyDeleteThanks for the thorough reply, Kirby. In light of this, your blog post is clearer to me. I think your critique of Rawls stems from the fact that you seem to be accepting a handful of normative claims that Rawls does not. As you aptly point out, "income, wealth, class are all structures not inherently denied by Rawls in his society." Rawls's formulation does not seem inconsistent with the Sen quote you brought up. In the following sentence, Sen writes that if the objective function of society is inequality-sensitive, "merit for reward would have to be judged in an inequality-sensitive way" (Sen 14). Rawls's formulation does judge merit in an inequality-sensitive way—through the difference principle. Correct me if I am wrong, but you seem to be saying that any "inequities" in the natural lottery that regenerate along the lines of wealth are unjust. Rawls would likely not accept this premise. If one takes "arbitrary" to mean completely random, you are right that merit "is not arbitrary in a society where wealth brackets exist." But if one takes arbitrary to mean amoral or not an appropriate justification for an existing distribution, merit is most certainly arbitrary. Rawls uses the difference principle to provide a justification (which he finds decisive) for the natural lottery—provided that it is satisfied.
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